分类目录归档:新闻与政治

支付宝六一专题

支付宝六一做了一个“宝宝”专题,把用户的昵称后面都加上”宝宝“二字,并不让用户修改昵称。

这个专题营销遭到了很多人的反对。但成因是:一年一度的6月信息管控,严禁修改自定义展示,关键词敏感词严格审核,顺势做了“宝宝”营销。。。

这绝对是为了忘却的纪念!!!深怕别人不知道8*8

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Testimony of Major General Charles W. Sweeney on May 11, 1995

向Charles W. Sweeney 致以最崇高的敬意!

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and members of the committee. I am Major General Charles W. Sweeney, United States Air Force, retired. I am the only pilot to have flown on both atomic missions. I flew the instrument plane on the Hiroshima mission, and 3 days later on August 9, 1945 commanded the second atomic mission over Nagasaki. Six days after Nagasaki the Japanese military surrendered and the Second World War came to an end.

Fifty years ago millions of my fellow citizens served our country in a time of national crisis — a crisis which engulfed our panel; a crisis in which the forces of fascism were poised to extinguish the democracies of the world. It was a crisis in which the forces of evil were clearly defined, or at least I thought so until last fall when I read the first accounts from the Air Force Association of the proposed script for the exhibit of the Enola Gay at the Smithsonian Institution.

It was obvious to me that the Enola Gay was being used to advance a theory about atomic missions and the United States’ role in World War II that transformed the Japanese into victims and cast the United States as a vengeful aggressor engaged in a war to destroy an ancient culture. My first reaction was, as you can imagine, personal disbelief. I just could not believe that the Smithsonian, an institution whose very name signifies honesty and integrity in the preservation of American artifacts, could be so wrong.

Like the overwhelming majority of my generation I did not want a war. We are not a Nation of warriors. There is no warrior class, no master race, no Samurai. Yet during the years when my generation and our parents were struggling through the Great Depression, the Japanese were engaged in the conquest of their neighbors. That is an unfortunate fact of history. Without the slightest remorse or hesitation the Japanese military slaughtered innocent men, women, and children. In the end, they would kill over 20 million of their Asian neighbors.

The sneak attack on Pearl Harbor, timed for Sunday morning to inflict the maximum loss of ships and human life, thrust the United States into a war in the Pacific whose outcome then was far from certain. Seventeen hundred sailors are still entombed in the hull of the U.S.S. Arizona that sits on the bottom of Pearl Harbor. Many, if not all, died without ever knowing why.

The fall of Corregidor and the resulting treatment of Allied prisoners of war dispelled any remaining doubt about the inhumaneness of the Japanese army even in the context of war. The Japanese military considered surrender a dishonor to one’s self, one’s family, one’s country, and one’s God, and thus they showed no mercy.

This was the true nature of the enemy we faced. This was the reality which President Harry Truman confronted as he considered sending yet even more American soldiers, sailors, and airmen into the horror of the war in the Pacific. Declassified transcripts of the secret codes which we had broken during the war and were available to President Truman and his military advisors underscore the Japanese attitude 50 years ago. The transcripts show the Japanese had no intention of surrendering unconditionally. They were stalling for time and fully prepared to continue to sacrifice their own citizens. And as time passed more Americans died.

The Japanese military was fully prepared to fight on, even after the Hiroshima mission. In fact, even after the Nagasaki mission, some Japanese military leaders were still advocating fighting on.

We know that in a pre-invasion meeting at the White House on June 18, 1945 Admiral William Leahy predicted to President Truman, based on the experience of Iwo Jima and Okinawa, 30 to 35 percent of the 770,000-man invasion force would be killed or wounded in the first 30 days of an invasion of the Japanese mainland. That calculates out to about a quarter of a million American men. President Truman remarked that the invasion would create another Okinawa from one end of Japan to the other; one of the most horrendous battles we ever fought. Now it would be expanded the whole length of Kyushu, the southern island of the four main islands of Japan.

The Joint Chiefs of Staff agreed. General MacArthur’s chief surgeon. Brigadier General Guy Dennett, estimated that in the 120-day campaign to invade and occupy only the island of Kyushu, 395,000 casualties would be sustained. For President Truman, for me and for my crew, the probability of so many casualties was not an abstraction but a sobering reality.

The world is a better place because German and Japanese fascism failed to conquer. Japan and Germany are better places because we were benevolent in our victory. The youth of Japan and the United States, spared from further needless slaughter, went on to live and have families and grow old. Today millions of people in America and Japan are alive because we ended the war when we did. This is not to celebrate the use of atomic weapons. Quite the contrary. It is my fervent hope that my mission is the last such mission ever flown. But that does not mean that back in 1945, given the events of the war and the recalcitrance of our enemy. President Truman was not obliged to use all the weapons at his disposal to end the war.

Now, 50 years later after their defeat, some Japanese officials claim they were the victims, ignoring the clear evidence of their own brutality and mind set. Incredibly, how can any American academic support such a proposition, thus aiding and giving support to a 50-year attempt by the Japanese to rewrite their own history and ours in the process. Such an effort to rewrite history does a disservice to both countries. There is an entire generation of Japanese who do not know the full extent of their country’s conduct during World War II.

By forgetting our own history we contribute to Japanese amnesia, to the detriment of both nations. Unlike the Germans who acknowledge their guilt, the Japanese persist in the fiction that they did nothing wrong. That they were the victims of circumstances. This only forecloses any genuine prospect that the deep wounds suffered by both nations can be healed. We must know and remember history.

I have always had the utmost respect for the Smithsonian Institution and its mission. I do not understand how it could have planned to so unfairly mistreat the United States’ role in

World War II, to denigrate the bravery of our American soldiers, sailors, and airmen and the courage of President Truman. By canceling the proposed exhibit and simply displaying the Enola Gay, has the truth won out? Maybe not. Maybe this exhibit reveals a deeper problem.

Imagine taking your children or grandchildren to the original proposed exhibit. Would they learn of the sacrifices their fathers and grandfathers endured in that war in the Pacific so that all of us could be free in 1995, free to visit the Smithsonian or anywhere else we choose? Would they understand the important historical context which led the President of the United States to make the decision to end that brutal conflict using all the weapons at his disposal? I think not.

In the end, what would our children and grandchildren think that their country stood for? In trying to understand the reason why the Smithsonian did this I certainly do not get any clue from the stated reason the director gave for canceling the proposed exhibit. As I recall, he said the Smithsonian realized that it had been too ambitious by combining a highly emotional commemorative event for veterans with an historical analysis. This reason is at best condescending to the veterans. I suggest that the forces behind the revisionism of our history at the Smithsonian were flat out wrong in their analysis, and they should have said so.

The soul of a nation, its essence, is its history. It is that collective memory which defines what each generation thinks and believes about itself and its country. For this reason the facts must always be preserved. This does not mean debate should be stifled. It does mean that any debate must be founded upon a recognition of all the facts. At the Smithsonian there was an absence of some rather basic facts and a conclusion which was unsupported by those basic facts.

My fellow veterans and I were impelled to ask how could the Smithsonian have been so terribly wrong about the true nature and meaning of the war in the Pacific and the atomic missions? Fortunately, this threat to our national identity was aired out in the open because the proposed exhibit of the Enola Gay was so devoid of factual support. Other historic events may be too subtle to be seen as clearly. Certainly the country was fortunate that millions of veterans of the war, and citizens of the United States who are not necessarily veterans, were still alive to report on what really happened. I might point to one specific class of Americans, and they are the ones whose husbands, sons, loved ones were poised to conduct, to participate in that invasion.

So I come before this committee to ask you as Members of Congress to do all in your power to protect and preserve the integrity of the process by which our national identity is formed and debated. Our history is a precious asset. In a free society such as ours there must always be an ongoing debate about who we are and what we stand for.

The key question, however, is what role is appropriate for the Smithsonian in this ongoing debate and what process is to be employed in making decisions about historic interpretation at the Smithsonian? Of course, this assumes that the Smithsonian should expand its role beyond the preservation and exhibition of significant American artifacts — American artifacts.

The fact that you are holding these hearings is an encouraging sign for many Americans that such an inquiry will prevent future attempts to revise, rewrite, or slant our historical record in any way by any Government-supported agency. I would like to ask this committee to help the American people understand how the decisions as to what history the Smithsonian will display are made. Are these decisions based on ideology or some agenda, or are they the product of careful review and presentation of historical facts?

The issue is not that a group of pesky, aging veterans raised questions about a proposed exhibit. The issue is one of trust. Can the American people trust the Smithsonian ever again to be objective and unencumbered by ideology? This is an important debate and I thank this committee for holding these hearings.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

[The prepared statement of General Sweeney follows:]

Statement OF Major General Charles W. Sweeney, USAF (Ret.)

I am Maj. Gen. Charles W. Sweeney, United States Air Force, Retired. I am the only pilot to have flown on both atomic missions. I flew the instrument plane on the right wing of General Paul Tibbets on the Hiroshima mission and 3 days later, on August 9, 1945, commanded the second atomic mission over Nagasaki. Six days after Nagasaki the Japanese military surrendered and the Second World War came to an end.

The soul of a nation, its essence, is its history. It is that collective memory which defines what each generation thinks and believes about itself and its country.

In a free society, such as ours, there is always an ongoing debate about who we are and what we stand for. This open debate is in fact essential to our freedom. But to have such a debate we as a society must have the courage to consider all of the facts available to us. We must have the courage to stand up and demand that before any conclusions are reached, those facts which are beyond question are accepted as part of the debate.

As the 50th anniversary of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki missions approaches, now is an appropriate time to consider the reasons for Harry Truman’s order that these missions be flown. We may disagree on the conclusion, but let us at least be honest enough to agree on basic facts of the time, the facts that President Truman had to consider in making a difficult and momentous decision.

As the only pilot to have flown both missions, and having commanded the Nagasaki mission, I bring to this debate my own eyewitness account of the times. I underscore what I believe are irrefutable facts, with full knowledge that some opinion makers may cavalierly dismiss them because they are so obvious — be- cause they interfere with their preconceived version of the truth, and the meaning which they strive to impose on the missions.

This evening, I want to offer my thoughts, observations, and conclusions as someone who lived this history, and who believes that President Truman’s decision was not only justified by the circumstances of his time, but was a moral imperative that precluded any other option.

Like the overwhelming majority of my generation the last thing I wanted was a war. We as a nation are not warriors. We are not hell-bent on glory. There is no warrior class — no Samurai — no master race.

This is true today, and it was true 50 years ago.

While our country was struggling through the great depression, the Japanese were embarking on the conquest of its neighbors — the Greater East Asia Co-Pros-perity Sphere. It seems fascism always seeks some innocuous slogan to cover the most hideous plans.

This Co-Prosperity was achieved by waging total and merciless war against China and Manchuria. The Japanese, as a nation, saw itself as destined to rule Asia and thereby possess its natural resources and open lands. Without the slightest remorse or hesitation, the Japanese Army slaughtered innocent men, women and children. In the infamous Rape of Nanking up to 300,000 unarmed civilians were butchered. These were criminal acts.

THESE ARE FACTS.

In order to fulfill its divine destiny in Asia, Japan determined that the only real impediment to this goal was the United States. It launched a carefully conceived sneak attack on our Pacific fleet at Pearl Harbor. Timed for a Sunday morning it was intended to deal a death blow to the fleet by inflicting the maximum loss of ships and human life.

1,700 sailors are still entombed in the hull of the U.S.S. Arizona that sits on the bottom of Pearl Harbor. Many if not all, died without ever knowing why. Thus was the war thrust upon us.

The fall of Corregidor and the resulting treatment of Allied prisoners of war dispelled any remaining doubt about the inhumaneness of the Japanese Army, even in the context of war. The Bataan Death March was horror in its fullest dimension. The Japanese considered surrender to be dishonorable to oneself, one’s family, one’s country and one’s god. They showed no mercy. Seven thou- sand American and Filipino POW’s were beaten, shot, bayonetted or left to die of disease or exhaustion.

THESE ARE FACTS.

As the United States made its slow, arduous, and costly march across the vast expanse of the Pacific, the Japanese proved to be a ruthless and intractable killing machine. No matter how futile, no matter how hopeless the odds, no matter how certain the outcome, the Japanese fought to the death. And to achieve a greater glory, they strove to kill as many Americans as possible.

The closer the United States came to the Japanese mainland, the more fanatical their actions became.

Saipan — 3,100 Americans killed, 1,500 in the first few hours of the invasion

Iwo Jima — 6,700 Americans killed, 25,000 wounded

Okinawa — 12,500 Americans killed, total casualties, 35,000

These are facts reported by simple white grave markers.

Kamikazes. The literal translation is DIVINE WIND. To willingly dive a plane loaded with bombs into an American ship was a glorious transformation to godliness — there was no higher honor on heaven or earth. The suicidal assaults of the Kamikazes took 5,000 American Navy men to their deaths.

The Japanese vowed that, with the first American to step foot on the mainland, they would execute every Allied prisoner. In preparation they forced the POW’s to dig their own graves in the event of mass executions. Even after their surrender, they executed some American POW’s.

THESE ARE FACTS.

The Potsdam Declaration had called for unconditional surrender of the Japanese Armed Forces. The Japanese termed it ridiculous and not worthy of consideration. We know from our intercepts of their coded messages, that they wanted to stall for time to force a negotiated surrender on terms acceptable to them.

For months prior to August 6, American aircraft began dropping fire bombs upon the Japanese mainland. The wind created by the firestorm from the bombs incinerated whole cities. Hundreds of thousands of Japanese died. Still the Japanese military vowed never to surrender. They were prepared to sacrifice their own people to achieve their visions of glory and honor — no matter how many more people died.

They refused to evacuate civilians even though our pilots dropped leaflets warning of the possible bombings. In one 3-day period, 34 square miles of Tokyo, Nagoya, Kobe and Osaka were reduced to rubble.

THESE ARE FACTS.

And even after the bombing of Hiroshima, Tojo, his successor Suzuki, and the military clique in control believed the United States had but one bomb, and that Japan could go on. They had 3 days to surrender after August 6, but they did not surrender. The debate in their cabinet at times became violent.

Only after the Nagasaki drop did the Emperor finally demand surrender.

And even then, the military argued they could and should fight on. A group of Army officers staged a coup and tried to seize and destroy the Emperor’s recorded message to his people announcing the surrender.

THESE ARE FACTS.

These facts help illuminate the nature of the enemy we faced. They help put into context the process by which Truman considered the options available to him. And they help to add meaning to why the missions were necessary.

President Truman understood these facts as did every service man and woman.

Casualties were not some abstraction, but a sobering reality.

Did the atomic missions end the war? Yes . . . they . . . did.

Were they necessary? Well that’s where the rub comes.

With the fog of 50 years drifting over the memory of our country, to some, the

Japanese are now the victims. America was the insatiable, vindictive aggressor seeking revenge and conquest. Our use of these weapons was the unjustified and immoral starting point for the nuclear age with all of its horrors. Of course, to support such distortion, one must conveniently ignore the real facts or fabricate new realities to fit the theories. It is no less egregious than those who today deny the Holocaust occurred.

How could this have happened?

The answer may lie in examining some recent events.

The current debate about why President Truman ordered these missions, in some cases, has devolved to a numbers game. The Smithsonian in its proposed exhibit of the Enola Gay revealed the creeping revisionism which seems the rage in certain historical circles.

That exhibit wanted to memorialize the fiction that the Japanese were the victims — we the evil aggressor. Imagine taking your children and grandchildren to this exhibit.

What message would they have left with?

What truth would they retain?

What would they think their country stood for?

And all of this would have occurred in an American institution whose very name and charter are supposed to stand for the impartial preservation of significant American artifacts.

By cancelling the proposed exhibit and simply displaying the Enola Gay, has truth won out?

Maybe not.

In one nationally televised discussion, I heard a so-called prominent historian argue that the bombs were not necessary. That President Truman was intent on intimidating the Russians. That the Japanese were ready to surrender.

The Japanese were ready to surrender? Based on what?

Some point to statements by General Eisenhower years after the war that Japan was about to fall. Well, based on that same outlook Eisenhower seriously under- estimated Germany’s will to fight on and concluded in December, 1944 that Germany no longer had the capability to wage offensive war.

That was a tragic miscalculation. The result was the Battle of the Bulge, which resulted in tens of thousands of needless Allied casualties and potentially allowed Germany to prolong the war and force negotiations.

Thus the assessment that Japan was vanquished may have the benefit of hindsight rather than foresight.

It is certainly fair to conclude that the Japanese could have been reasonably expected to be even more fanatical than the Germans based on the history of the war in the Pacific.

And, finally, a present-day theory making the rounds espouses that even if an invasion had taken place, our casualties would not have been a million, as many believed, but realistically only 46,000 dead.

ONLY 46,000!

Can you imagine the callousness of this line of argument? ONLY 46,000 — as if this were some insignificant number of American lives.

Perhaps these so-called historians want to sell books.

Perhaps they really believe it. Or perhaps it reflects some self-loathing occasioned by the fact that we won the war.

Whatever the reason, the argument is flawed. It dissects and recalculates events ideologically, grasping at selective straws.

Let me admit right here, today, that I don’t know how many more Americans would have died in an invasion— AND NEITHER DOES ANYONE ELSE!

What I do know is that based on the Japanese conduct during the war, it is fair and reasonable to assume that an invasion of the mainland would have been a prolonged and bloody affair. Based on what we know — not what someone surmises — the Japanese were not about to unconditionally surrender.

In taking Iwo Jima, a tiny 8 square mile lump of rock in the ocean, 6,700 marines died — total casualties over 30,000.

But even assuming that those who now KNOW our casualties would have been

ONLY 46.000 I ask

Which 46,000 were to die?

Whose father?

Whose brother?

Whose husband?

And, yes, I am focusing on American lives.

The Japanese had their fate in their own hands, we did not. Hundreds of thousands of American troops anxiously waited at staging areas in the Pacific dreading the coming invasion, their fate resting on what the Japanese would do next. The Japanese could have ended it at any time. They chose to wait.

And while the Japanese stalled, an average of 900 more Americans were killed or wounded each day the war continued.

I’ve heard another line of argument that we should have accepted a negotiated peace with the Japanese on terms they would have found acceptable. I have never heard anyone suggest that we should have negotiated a peace with Nazi Germany. Such an idea is so outrageous, that no rational human being would utter the words. To negotiate with such evil fascism was to allow it even in defeat a measure of legitimacy. This is not just some empty philosophical principal of the time — it was essential that these forces of evil be clearly and irrevocably defeated — their demise unequivocal. Their leadership had forfeited any expectation of diplomatic niceties. How is it, then, that the history of the war in the Pacific can be so soon forgotten?

The reason may lie in the advancing erosion of our history, of our collective memory.

Fifty years after their defeat, Japanese officials have the temerity to claim they were the victims. That Hiroshima and Nagasaki were the equivalent of the

Holocaust.

And, believe it or not, there are actually some American academics who sup- port this analogy, thus aiding and giving comfort to a 50-year attempt by the Japanese to rewrite their own history, and ours in the process.

There is an entire generation of Japanese who do not know the full extent of their country’s conduct during World war II.

This explains why they do not comprehend why they must apologize —

  • for the Korean comfort women,
  • for the Medical experimentation on POW’s which match the horror of those conducted by the Nazi’s,
  • for the plans to use biological weapons against the United States by infecting civilian populations on the West Coast,
  • for the methodical slaughter of civilians,
  • and for much more.

In a perverse inversion, by forgetting our own history, we contribute to the

Japanese amnesia, to the detriment of both our nations.

Unlike the Germans who acknowledged their guilt, the Japanese persist in the fiction that they did nothing wrong, that they were trapped by circumstances. This only forecloses any genuine prospect that the deep wounds suffered by both nations can be closed and healed.

One can only forgive by remembering. And to forget, is to risk repeating history.

The Japanese in a well-orchestrated political and public relations campaign have now proposed that the use of the term “V-J Day” be replaced by the more benign “Victory in the Pacific Day”. How convenient.

This they claim will make the commemoration of the end of the war in the

Pacific less “Japan specific.”

An op-ed piece written by Dorothy Rabinowitz appearing in the April 5 Wall

Street Journal accurately sums up this outrage:

The reason it appears, is that some Japanese find the reference disturbing — and one can see why. The term, especially the “J” part, does serve to remind the world of the identity of the nation whose defeat millions celebrated in August 1945. In further deference to Japanese sensitivities, a U.S. official (who wisely chose to remain unidentified) also announced, with reference to the planned ceremonies, that “our whole effort in this thing is to commemorate an event, not celebrate a victory.”

Some might argue so what’s in a word — Victory over Japan, Victory in the Pacific — Let’s celebrate an event, not a victory.

I say everything is in a word. Celebrate an EVENT!

Kind of like celebrating the opening of a shopping mall rather than the end of a war that engulfed the entire Earth — which left countless millions dead and countless millions more physically or mentally wounded and countless more millions displaced.

This assault on the use of language is Orwellian and is the tool by which history and memory are blurred. Words can be just as destructive as any weapon.

Up is Down.

Slavery is Freedom.

Aggression is Peace.

In some ways this assault on our language and history by the elimination of accurate and descriptive words is far more insidious than the actual aggression carried out by the Japanese 50 years ago. At least then the threat was clear, the enemy well defined.

Today the Japanese justify their conduct by artfully playing the race card. They were not engaged in a criminal enterprise of aggression. No, Japan was simply liberating the oppressed masses of Asia from WHITE Imperialism.

Liberation!!! Yes, they liberated over 20 million innocent Asians by killing them. I’m sure those 20 million, their families and the generations never to be, appreciate the noble effort of the Japanese.

I am often asked was the bomb dropped for vengeance, as was suggested by one draft of the Smithsonian exhibit. That we sought to destroy an ancient and honorable culture.

Here are some more inconvenient facts.

One, on the original target list for the atomic missions Kyoto was included.

Although this would have been a legitimate target, one that had not been bombed previously. Secretary of State Henry Stimson removed it from the list because it was the ancient capital of Japan and was also the religious center of Japanese culture.

Two, we were under strict orders during the war that under no circumstances were we to ever bomb the Imperial Palace in Tokyo, even though we could have easily leveled it and possibly killed the Emperor. So much for vengeance.

I often wonder if Japan would have shown such restraint if they had the opportunity to bomb the White House. I think not.

At this point let me dispel one of many longstanding myths that our targets were intended to be civilian populations. Each target for the missions had significant military importance — Hiroshima was the headquarters for the southern command responsible for the defense of Honshu in the event of an invasion and it garrisoned seasoned troops who would mount the initial defense.

Nagasaki was an industrial center with the two large Mitsubishi armaments factories. In both Hiroshima and Nagasaki the Japanese had integrated these industries and troops right in the heart of each city.

As in any war our goal was, as it should be, to win. The stakes were too high to equivocate.

I am often asked if I ever think of the Japanese who died at Hiroshima and

Nagasaki?

I do not revel in the idea that so many on both sides died, not only at those two places but around the world in that horrible conflict. I take no pride or pleasure in the brutality of war whether suffered by my people or those of another nation.

Every life is precious.

But it does seem to me such a question is more appropriately directed to the

Japanese war lords who so willingly offered up their people to achieve their visions of greatness. They who started the war and then stubbornly refused to stop it must be called to account. Don’t they have the ultimate responsibility for all the deaths of their countrymen?

Perhaps if the Japanese came to grips with their past and their true part in the war they would hold those Japanese military leaders accountable. The Japanese people deserve an answer from those that brought such misery to the nations of the Far East and ultimately to their own people. Of course this can never happen if we collaborate with the Japanese in wiping away the truth.

How can Japan ever reconcile with itself and the United States if they do not demand and accept the truth?

My crew and I flew these missions with the belief that they would bring the war to an end. There was no sense of joy. There was a sense of duty and commitment that we wanted to get back to our families and loved ones.

Today millions of people in America and in Southeast Asia are alive because the war ended when it did.

I do not stand here celebrating the use of nuclear weapons. Quite the contrary.

I hope that my mission is the last such mission ever flown.

We as a nation can abhor the existence of nuclear weapons.

I certainly do.

But that does not then mean that, back in August of 1945, given the events of the war and the recalcitrance of our enemy. President Truman was not obliged to use all the weapons at his disposal to end the war.

I agreed with Harry Truman then, and I still do today.

Years after the war Truman was asked if he had any second thoughts. He said emphatically, “No.” He then asked the questioner to remember the men who died at Pearl Harbor who did not have the benefit of second thoughts.

In war the stakes are high. As Robert E. Lee said, “it is good that war is so horrible, or we might grow to like it.”

I thank God that it was we who had this weapon and not the Japanese or the

Germans. The science was there. Eventually someone would have developed this weapon. Science can never be denied. It finds a way to self-fulfillment.

The question of whether it was wise to develop such a weapon would have eventually been overcome by the fact that it could be done. The Soviets would have certainly proceeded to develop their own bomb. Let us not forget that Joseph Stalin was no less evil than Tojo or his former ally Adolf Hitler. At last count, Stalin committed genocide on at least 20 million of his own citizens.

The world is a better place because German and Japanese fascism failed to conquer the world.

Japan and Germany are better places because we were benevolent in our victory.

The youth of Japan and the United States, spared from further needless slaughter, went on to live and have families and grow old.

As the father of ten children and the grandfather of 21, I can state that I am certainly grateful that the war ended when it did.

I do not speak for all veterans of that war. But I believe that my sense of pride in having served my country in that great conflict is shared by all veterans. This is why the truth about that war must be preserved. We veterans are not shrinking violets. Our sensibilities will not be shattered in intelligent and controversial debate. We can handle ourselves.

But we will not, we cannot allow armchair second guessers to frame the debate by hiding facts from the American public and the world.

I have great faith in the good sense and fairness of the American people to consider all of the facts and make an informed judgment about the war’s end.

This is an important debate. The soul of our nation, its essence, its history, is at stake.

source:   United States Senate Committee On Rules And Administration, “The Smithsonian Institution management guidelines for the future : hearings before the Committee on Rules and Administration, United States Senate, One Hundred Fourth Congress, First Session May 11 and 18, 1995”. Internet Archive

http://www.archive.org/stream/smithsonianinsti00unit/smithsonianinsti00unit_djvu.txt

【转发】百度死后会怎样

作者:李书航
链接:https://zhuanlan.zhihu.com/p/20830273
来源:知乎
著作权归作者所有。商业转载请联系作者获得授权,非商业转载请注明出处。

百度又出事了。接着,对于百度的批判潮流再次上升到了历史新高度。

这历史新高到底有多高呢?昨天晚上我发现某门户科技频道想做个专题,为了堆稿子,一口气发了二十几篇关于百度的批判文章,而它能在半天内找到这么多文章,也是因为现在的媒体生态已经与往常大不相同。

现在控制舆论,不靠流量,得靠律师函

自媒体的崛起,标志着百度再也没有办法像从前一样控制舆论。现在的自媒体不像以前的那些小网站,流量这个生命线被牢牢地操控在百度手中,以控制流量的方式来要挟中小网站是百度惯用的做法,但现在却无法照常使用,因为大部分的流量已经通过微信,今日头条等人们已经熟知的渠道被分发出去,百度作为流量中转站的作用在逐渐下降,自媒体越来越不把他看在眼里。

但是,百度本来有更顺手的武器,却似乎从来没想过使用,它完全可以选用其他同等体量的互联网巨头已经驾轻就熟的方法——发律师函。不管是支持还是反对,只要出声音的,都发一封过去,动辄索赔个几百几千万的。也没准,真这么做的话,以后百度财报当中可以写很大一部分收入是来自诉讼收益。

虽然百度忙着灭火的身姿看起来很社会主义核心价值观——看下这篇名为《百度:严审虚假信息,“消费者”为核心关键词》的公关稿:

“可以看出,互联网公司的长久发展,必须以“消费者”为企业价值观的核心关键词。正如向海龙(注:百度搜索业务负责人)所说:‘这是一场人民的战争,百度将始终选择和消费者站在一起,我们是认真的!’”

但实际上我感觉,那些将法律精神应用到极致的巨头,远比百度更社会主义核心价值观。

我彻底觉得写篇檄文没有用,是因为……

百度最近所谓“作恶”也不是一次两次了,每一次都会有人站出来说绝不用百度。我自己也之前写过严肃的批判文章,我认为这是百度的商业模式出了问题。只不过,人们的下限总是随着新的社会热点再一次被刷新,对百度造成的影响绝不会是毁灭性的,也难以达到批判者的目的,最终依然是时间流驶,街市太平。

我看着那么多人义正词严地站在道德高地上,我已经对此感到麻木。别人可能如鱼儿一般记忆只有 7 秒钟,但是我作为记得历史的人,只知道这种事情是在一次又一次重演。而魏泽西只是千千万万个被百度坑过的人当中的幸运儿,因为至少在生前和身后,他的声音还是成功地发了出去。

真正让我觉得写篇檄文扔过去没用的,是当我知道魏泽西父母还在知乎上被骗过钱的时候。

“在寻医的过程中,一位知乎的网友告诉他(魏则西父亲魏海全),称自己是日本的 IAM 大夫,可以让魏则西去东京的医院医治。‘因为那个时候则西刚刚出现肺转移,就非常虚弱,我当时就跟他联系。他说国外的病历需要翻译,翻译费要 5000 元,我就给他打,后来他又要 5000 元,中间不停的给他打,一共打了 1 万 4 还是 1 万 6。我觉得不对,让他把翻译好的病历给我,他马上就把我和则西全部拉黑了。’”

不知道这对家长来说到底意味着什么。也许家长不知道知乎,但孩子知道。也许孩子生病之初,其实并不希望父母使用百度,我在假设如果我在那种情况下,也会建议家长用知乎,因为我从知乎获得了很多东西。但是,知乎的网友骗了他们的钱。

我必须说明,这个骗钱——如果报道属实——可能甚至比百度提供的武警医院的行径还要恶劣。知乎上面这个骗子,骗完钱什么服务都没有提供。相比之下,武警医院那个疗法,通过网友科普是一个被过去证明无效的疗法,它只是起到安慰剂,拖延病情的作用,所以严肃的称,可以说它还是做了劳动的。就算无用功,也比空手套白狼的骗钱,似乎更能给病人家属一点心理安慰?——似乎还是不能?

但很显然,因为绝笔信和父母的声明都发在知乎上,所以这件事估计会很快被人忽略,而知乎会带着发布绝笔信官方平台的这种第一印象,固定在很多媒体的报道中,之前的经历也无损它的纯洁。——当然,知乎站方没有因为用户的不法行为而从中渔利,事情的性质确实不一样。

当我们批判百度的时候,我们也不能忘记虚假医疗信息泛滥的根本原因。莆田系的出现,是因为医疗改革让很多公共服务难以触及的医疗需求进入商业轨道。而这种现象一日不除,就算倒了一个百度,也许下一秒医疗广告就会在人类的灯塔——谷歌上出现。我们都说莆田系和百度愿打愿挨,亲密无间,但是莆田系自己也并不是心甘情愿的成为百度的大客户的,这是因为交的钱实在太多,已经有报道说过这种复杂的心理。

而这也证明医疗小广告的需求,实际上并不是一个伪需求,而是如毒品般,不打一场人民战争就赢不了的硬需求。而作为一家“不作恶”的海外公司,谷歌果真进来,用技术手段干掉所有搜索结果,莆田系信息也会出现在任何有价值的新闻页面,甚至在微信公众号打赏位置由头像组成一串广告。还有,它也可以入侵电信运营商的 dns 污染,给你强制弹窗,还有进入你家 IPTV 的启动屏幕,还有更多地出现在楼宇广告,公交车和报纸版面。

你相信这是人民的胜利吗?

重点是我接下来要说的。

标题为《魏则西父亲:在知乎曾被骗万元 后百度选择武警二院》的报道来自封面新闻,这是由华西都市报运营,阿里巴巴参与投资的新闻客户端——你看,还是没有流量和百度什么事,而且还有百度友商的股份。

某门户为了堆专题,刷了 20 多篇文章。不是某门户,是所有门户都在做。百度呢?百度没有门户。百度有百家,但百家是为了发展自媒体,干掉传统门户而产生的,一向推行编辑独立自主的原则,之前我也在百家平台上骂过百度。这篇文章,我一样会在百家发出来。

当年 PC 互联网时代,各大网站对这个互联网枢纽积怨已久,敢怒不敢言。而到了现在,流量多极化,特别是所谓自媒体,根本不需要依赖百度,所以就可以尽情去消费。百度吃了这么多年独食,酷到没朋友,一有机会就会被人吊着打,我一向认为,这才是百度被黑到死,导致你现在看百度也不爽的一个重要推力。

电商平台假货问题逼得国际大牌要退出中国,社交网络乱象催生了微商传销等形形色色的群体,这些我们很容易知道都不是(哦,似乎不是)平台的责任。如果大字不识一个的官员,又对互联网崛起存在恐惧心理,他们把百度的竞价排名看作和电商与社交一样的技术手段(而不是广告),那实际上非常合乎情理。

有人说,在真的无法杜绝所有混乱的情况下,平台只要做出姿态,便可以免责——比如加入国际反假货组织,比如对公众号封号封 IP,都可以说明平台在努力,他们就可以免责。唔,百度也发了好多次声明说自己在努力了。是什么导致你就只是不信百度的声明呢?

你知道,这次事件以后,逼得百度开除了直接负责商业化任务的一位元老级高管。但我并不很相信这是人民的胜利。正如我上面所讲,如果确保打死一个百度以后,新来的搜索引擎能解决问题还好,如果不行,那么新的替代者就只是继续承担了问题的代理人,问题本身并没有得到解决。而如果你觉得新来者可以让你以为他们在努力,所以你就能原谅的话——那我确实不能多说什么。

没错,百度该死。百度的商业模式决定了它必须对恶采取默许甚至合作的态度。但是,我们很难只靠任何一家公司的行业自律来解决所有问题。我们希望的(也许)不是宣泄情感,而是解决问题,而如果这样,我们就必须真正和问题的根源作斗争。就比如说,前几天 120 急救医生在空军总医院住院部门前,因救护车没有关警灯遭到医院保安殴打。对于现在这个武警医院,百度也就是发出协查函,请求对方调查一下情况而已。不是因为它能做更多而不做,着实是因为微博这个青天大老爷,在这一问题上的确比一家商业公司更管用。

既然人 wei 民 bo 是社会前进的动力,那比如说,我们人民来建议立法禁止所有商业医疗排行信息,医疗咨询服务要许可证准入,并且只可讨论病情,不能出现医院名称,这是不是比搞死百度更管用?但是人民认为这很难啊,相对还是搞死百度容易点,对吧。

有人帮我们为民除害的同时,我们要想它是不是因为竞争对手关系,想趁机搞死对手;有人做不出什么事情的时候,我们要想什么是它能做的极限,什么是它力量之外的事情……啊,这样太麻烦了。还是放弃思考,老实的进入人民战争的欢乐海洋里好。不是说,只要结果是好的,就算是商业广告做事件营销,就算是作秀也能接受么?那我们还有什么好说的?

必须要注明一点:这件事的发源地知乎也是反百度的利益相关方。

[转发]一个死在百度和部队医院之手的年轻人

如何判断哪些部队医院被承包出去了?如何让父母们不在相信电视,报纸,网络媒体的骗局?是否有可能消除信息不对称?

 

 

魏则西去世了,他爸爸通报死讯后,调查记者孔璞转载了魏则西在知乎上发表的这篇长答复,简而言之:这个21岁的年轻人出于对百度和部队三甲医院的信任,在罹患滑膜肉瘤这种罕见的癌症后,在武警北京总队第二医院尝试了一种号称与美国斯坦福大学合作的肿瘤生物免疫疗法,在借钱完成了治疗后出现肺部转移后才得知这种疗法并不靠谱。他回答的这个问题是“你认为人性最大的‘恶’是什么?”

有中国特色的癌症免疫治疗?

魏则西去的这家医院,是北京武警二院肿瘤生物中心,所接受的是DC-CIK细胞免疫治疗,这是种已经被国外淘汰、但在中国非常红火的肿瘤免疫治疗。

首先要确认的是,生物免疫、免疫细胞疗法并不是“假”疗法,在世界多家医院和科研机构都有相关临床研究。治疗过程中,医生通过抽取患者的免疫细胞,在体外扩增和加工,并重新输回患者体内,从而达到提高患者免疫能力,抑制或预防肿瘤生长的目的。

不过,从研究结果来看,它的意义有多大就见仁见智了。虽然这种治疗从美国开始,但由于临床试验屡遭失败,在美国国立癌症研究院(NCI)的网站上检索,可以看到目前仅有两家机构在进行CIK细胞治疗研究。第一项研究在斯坦福进行。有槽(Dr-Venting)在4月29日下午电话采访了斯坦福医学院媒体关系部的Becky Bach女士,她表示,斯坦福医学院确实有一项CIK方面的研究,不过是将它作为治疗骨髓增殖性疾病或骨髓发育不良的辅助治疗手段。在肿瘤免疫治疗方面,斯坦福希望探索更新、更有效的疗法。此外,Bach女士也澄清说,斯坦福并未与中国的任何一家医院从事细胞治疗方面的合作,当中包括北京武警二院,她不理解为什么该院在宣传中会强调是从该院引进技术,并承诺将与律师一起进一步调查。

但在中国就不是这么一回事了,在Pubmed医疗论文库中可以看到,虽然高质量的DC-CIK相关论文不多,但署名作者几乎清一色是中国人。

按照卫计委颁布的《首批允许临床应用的第三类医疗技术目录》,免疫细胞治疗被限定在临床研究范畴,医院可以开展免疫治疗临床研究,但原则上不得收取任何费用。但是对于这项技术的管理十分混乱,卫计委和食药总局似乎都避之不及。所以,一项本应通过三期临床、在有效性、适应症等诸多方面得到明确解答的实验性技术,现在已在全国各地医院成为重要的治疗手段和赢利工具。

怎么个赚钱法?以下是某家以细胞技术为特色的生物公司给出的计算:一次CIK治疗收费为1.5万,毛利润为40%。如果与十家三甲医院合作,每家首年治疗200人,每人接受三个疗程,一年毛利润1512万元。

武警二院是家什么样的医院?

有人总结称目前国内的肿瘤免疫疗法是“谋财不害命”。但是,如果病人轻信广告,散尽家财尝试这种几乎无效的疗法,贻误了宝贵的时机使用规范的放化疗和靶向治疗,这不是“谋财害命”又是什么?魏则西的遭遇便是如此。

当初魏则西和他的家人走投无路,在百度搜索滑膜肉瘤治疗信息时,搜到的是这样的推荐页面。感谢热心网友留存,因为在最近两天百度发现再次面临公关困境时,已经删得一干二净了。可以看到,排在第二推荐位的就是北京武警二院。

而在他们一家进入武警二院主页时,想必也看到了这样的对话框,直接与发来对话框的“医生”开始沟通,甚至得到了一个相当积极的答复,促使他们在几天后就从西安来到了北京求医。

该网站标明是武警北京总队二院的官方网站,表示引进了肿瘤生物治疗领域的代表技术,采用DC免疫治疗以及CIK免疫治疗消灭癌细胞,可达到延长生存期,提高生活质量和抑制肿瘤恶化的目的。

然而经验告诉我们,但凡主页做得如此花哨,又有对话框出现的医院,必然有蹊跷。我们的第一步从检查主办单位ICP备案开始。嗯,备案主体是个人,而非医院。

继续追查医院域名注册信息,北京武警二院注册人单位为:KangXin Hospital Investment and Management CO.LTD。

再反查KangXin Hospital Investment And Management CO.,LTD,可以看到该医院投资管理公司名下还注册着其他多家医疗机构域名,其中不乏同样以细胞免疫疗法为特色的“公立医院”。

KangXin Hospital Investment And Management CO.,LTD是何方神圣?不太好找,不过我们发现在领英上有数位医疗领域人士有该公司工作背景,从英文名反向查出,该公司中文名称为“康新医院投资管理有限公司”。

查到此处,我们可以判断出:北京武警二院的肿瘤生物中心与康新医院投资管理有限公司(下简称“康新公司”),他们是相亲相爱的一家人。除了武警二院,康新旗下还管理着其他多家以生物免疫治疗为特色的肿瘤专科医院。

与北京武警二院合作是什么公司?

细胞免疫治疗难度并不高,不过在操作中规范化、无菌化和风险控制极其重要,所以,有能力的医院自己做符合GMP标准的细胞操作间,没能力的则是将相关业务外包给多家生物公司来做。由康新公司“承包”或“入股”的北京武警二院肿瘤生物中心属于后者。

他们的技术合作伙伴是上海柯莱逊生物技术有限公司。关于该公司近期的新闻是:3月3日晚间,中源协和发布预案称,公司拟以11亿元收购上海柯莱逊生物技术有限公司100%股权。公开资料显示,柯莱逊是国内最大的免疫细胞治疗企业之一。柯莱逊的官网同样将斯坦福大学医学中心列为合作伙伴,斯坦福方面称并不了解该公司。

从公开资料来看,上海柯莱逊与北京武警二院肿瘤生物中心同样也是相亲相爱的一家人。何以见得?柯莱逊甚至替二院招聘护士。

从柯莱逊的招聘广告还可以看出,这家公司的业务并不像其收购方中源协和所声称的那样,仅限于“给医院提供技术服务,包括细胞制备等,并不给患者提供临床治疗。”事实上,除了在北京,公司还在各地招聘包括肿瘤科医生、临床医生、护士等提供临床治疗的员工。此外,还招聘百度竞价专员等业务人员。


谜底揭晓,老板根本是一个人

我们已经发现,康新公司是北京武警二院域名的管理者,柯莱逊是武警二院细胞免疫技术的支持者,那么,康新和柯莱逊又是什么关系?

简而简之,他们也是相亲相爱的一家人,老板是莆田人士陈新贤和陈新喜兄弟。

柯莱逊公司董事长叫陈新贤,他指导工作的消息刊登在公司官司网上。而公开交易信息显示,柯莱逊的原股东之一为陈新贤的胞弟陈新喜。

陈新贤除了是柯莱逊的董事长,旗下还有两大医疗机构,在接受公开采访时他介绍说,他在新加坡注册成立了华康医疗投资集团有限公司,在上海注册成立的就是康新医院投资管理集团有限公司。

所以,人物关系图就是这样的(时间紧,缺美工,抱歉只能手绘):


莆田人士陈新贤的康新公司通过承包科室等方式,管理多家公立医院肿瘤科室,从事医院和科室官网建设和维护、百度竞价、在线咨询导医,甚至直接参与临床治疗;陈新贤与其弟陈新喜的柯莱逊生物公司为这些肿瘤科室提供技术服务。这是稳赚不赔的生意,只要康新能继续搞掂主管医院。

如此谋财害命的治疗,得到了主管医院的纵容,得到了百度竞价排名的助推,也得到了监管部门的睁一只眼闭一只眼的默许。得了癌症、被骗了钱又没了命的病人太可怜、太无助、太冤枉。

怎样远离问题医院?

年轻的魏则西去世了,他在死前将自己被百度公司、被部队医院和医生欺骗,视为人性中最大的恶。媒体和一大批医生曾在几年前质疑细胞免疫疗法无效,然而没用;包括有槽(Dr-Venting)在内的媒体和自媒体曾质疑百度竞价广告的操作不合规、披露部队医院被莆田系承包的种种弊端,也是然并卵。

但是,你可以帮助自己和家人朋友自保。

首先,凡事不要问百度,凡事不要问百度,凡事不要问百度。原因不再解释。

第二,谨慎对待部队医院。部队医院大量赢利科室被莆田系承包的问题已经说了无数次,男科、妇科、不孕不育、皮肤性病、中医这些科室是重灾区,但我也没想到,连肿瘤病人的钱他们也要赚,肿瘤病人的命他们也要榨。

哪些科室被承包?查北京地区的医院有个最简单的办法,在手机应用程序“114生活助手”和联通114挂号网站(http://www.114menhu.com/)上,“社会知名医院”这一栏里:除了民营医院,就是部队医院承包科室,其中包括了有槽(Dr-Venting)曾揭露的北京466医院,即空军航空医学研究所附属医院。


我是无神论者,但在这件事情上我期待有报应,我希望涉事的所有人,包括医疗监管官员,百度的人,医院的人,康新的人,柯莱达的人,夜里能听到魏则西和其他受害者的哭声。

徐焰:抗日战争的真实战况

解放军少将、国防大学教授 徐焰

原文最初发表在2014年的《同舟共进》杂志,标题是“抗日战争的真实战况”:
中国在上世纪进行的抗日战争,几十年来一直是激发爱国主义精神的重要教材,这是应当也是必然的。不过,在一段时期,宣传口径根据政治形势的需要存在一定的片面性,这使得今天遇到现实争端时产生了困惑。例如钓鱼岛争端加剧后,人们愤慨“战败国”敢占“战胜国”之地,对内还产生诸如“软弱”一类的指责。由于多年来国内强调突出“正面教育”,强调中国才是打败日本的主力军,结果反而引来不少人的疑问——既然如此,为何日本不肯谢罪甚至其政要多不承认侵略?为何中国要放弃对日本要求赔款?

如今,人们已能接触到多方面的信息,对当年那种片面的“正面教育”已不易全面接受,大量“愤青”的出现恰恰是对僵化教育的逆反。客观地说明当年中国抗战胜利存在的某些局限性,多数人才能冷静客观地正视中日矛盾的历史由来,从而在目前的争端中以理性的态度爱国。

1 毛泽东对中国抗战的作用有很客观的评价

在很长时间内,中国因积贫积弱,为振奋民气往往希望突出自己的战绩。例如一些宣传口径强调,抗战时中国战场是东方反法西斯战争的主战场,中国是打败日本侵略的主力军。这种说法虽反驳了西方贬低中国抗战作用的论调,歌颂了当年抗战军民的功绩,不过严格而论却不太准确。事实上,毛泽东在接待外宾时的讲话,对中国抗战的作用有很客观的评价。

1956年9月24日,毛泽东同参加中共第八次全国代表大会的南斯拉夫共产主义者联盟代表团谈到中国在抗战中的作用时说过:“第二次世界大战中我们是一个支队,不是主力军。”(《毛泽东文集》第七卷,人民出版社1999年版)当年中国太贫弱,虽有大国之名却无大国实力,只是以持久战拖住日本。

世界上打败法西斯的主力军是谁呢?从实力看还是苏、美、英三国。

过去一些正面教育的口径,恰恰违背了毛泽东这一客观评价。国内有些人着力宣传抗战重大意义的动机虽是好的,却不谈中国因贫弱而导致战力有限。至于宣传“主力军”、“主战场”而引用的一些数据,按科学的史学态度来分析并不严谨,甚至存在偷换概念的错误。

如有些人搞不清军语中“死亡”与“伤亡”是不同概念,将中国“伤亡”3500万人(其中死亡2000余万人)说成“死亡3500万人”,并就此说中国超过苏联是二战中牺牲最大的国家。殊不知苏联宣布的牺牲2700万(俄罗斯有一数据是2650万),是纯粹的死亡数,并没有加上2000万以上的负伤数字,苏联才是二战中牺牲最大的国家。

有人统计中国战场上消灭日军的数字,是根据日本战后承认在关内战场累计伤亡了133万(战时日军极少有人被俘),加上在东北战场和中国人在缅甸战场上的战果,得出了“消灭日军150万人”的数字。这一算法虽有其根据,却忽略了日军伤员治愈后重返战场的人数,并不完全准确。

按照战争统计学的原则,对一场战斗或战役消灭敌军的统计,可以把死、伤、病、俘相加,这是敌人的净减员数。对一场持久的战争的歼敌数若是按每场战役、战斗的总数相加,往往会造成大量重复统计而高于实际数,这是因为伤病员过一段时间多数能归队。例如有时一个士兵在一场战争会负伤多次,若将此人在各次战役的击伤数累计,几人的数字其实就是一个人。因此,若要科学地计算一场持久战争中一个国家的损失,应该计算的是其“不可弥补损失”,即死亡、被俘(而且是未释放的)或重伤残废者的累计。

前些年一些宣传抗战成果的文章中,列举出一个所谓中国战场消灭日军占日本战争中军队损失“三分之二”的虚夸比例。从统计学角度看,这个比例是用偷换概念的方式(把“伤亡”与“死亡”两个不同概念混淆后相对比)算出来的,即用中国军队造成日军150万人的“伤亡”同日军战争中总“死亡”212万人相除。

其实按可比的数据看,中国战场上日军的死亡共45万人,只占其战时死亡总数的22%。

1941年太平洋战争爆发前,日本仅有中国这一个交战国,另有苏联这个发生过局部战事却主要采取军事对峙的潜在敌国,还可以说中国是东方对日作战的主战场。太平洋战争爆发后四年间,中国战场在反法西斯战争中的作用确如毛泽东所说的,只是“一个支队”。

2
对日作战美国展示了最强实力,战后处置日本才掌握了主导权

包括中国抗战史在内的战争史证明,不仅落后就要挨打,而且落后和衰弱的国家即使获得战胜国地位,最终也没多少发言权。

国人感到悲哀的是,抗战胜利前夕美英苏三国商议战胜日本后的利益分配时,居然拿中国的领土权益(包括外蒙古问题)做了交易,国民党政府还不得不屈辱地接受,导致战胜国的领土损失面积比战败国还大。

在战争问题上的发言权,最终靠实力决定。中国在抗战时国力衰弱,掌国柄的国民党政权腐败无能(当时连美国政府也这样认为),中国共产党领导的军队还多数是游击性质的部队,这就决定了对日作战主要是以持久战方式拖住对手。

中国是同日本作战最久的国家,早在太平洋战争开始前十年即1931年“九一八”事变后,便在东北开始了局部抗战。1937年日本在卢沟桥战事后曾叫嚷“三个月解决支那事变”,以为能速战速决征服中国,结果深陷泥潭,虽占领了大半个中国,却在正面战场受国民党军抵抗,后方又有共产党游击队袭扰,拖了八年不仅不能取胜也无法自拔。不过,中国因力量衰弱,在日本战败前也无力实施全面反攻。看一下日本宣布投降时中国的战略要地如北平、上海、南京、武汉、广州等地,还都在日本占领之下,这种战场形势与“胜利者”的地位相符吗?客观地讲述这段历史,应说明中国1945年战胜日本是在国际反法西斯战争的大背景下取得的,不能单讲本国战场的作用。

过去宣传抗战,一些口径从现实政治需要出发,带有片面性和虚夸性。

如国民党当局在抗战时宣布的战果往往充满吹嘘,对一溃千里等败绩则尽量掩饰。新中国成立后因与美国对立并需要强调“人民战争”的威力,较少谈美国在太平洋战场的战绩,而把地道战、地雷战等游击战描绘成打败日军的主要方式。改革开放后,大陆方面对国民党抗战给予了肯定,不过一些媒体又袭用台湾书籍中的吹嘘资料,对整个中国战场的作用大力抬高。这种教育对振奋民族精神也许有些作用,但从长远看却会使相当多人对此类宣传从整体上产生不信任感,使他们反而容易听信反面的歪曲宣传。

仔细研究日本在二战中的兵力分布,可看出它因轻视中国而在多数时间未投入主力。

日军只是在1940年之前的两年把多数陆军师团投入关内,针对苏联的关东军却保持着最精锐部队(对付满洲的抗日游击队主要使用伪军、伪警),军费投资重点又是准备对美英作战的海军。日本因工业和财力落后于西方强国,有限的投入只能保证其航空兵和战舰达到世界先进水平,陆军装备远远落后于美英苏德等国。1941年日军偷袭珍珠港后,不仅几乎全部海军投入对美作战,陆军精锐也陆续投入南洋。看一下战争末期日军的兵力分布:在本土和南洋对付美、英的兵力为550万,在满洲和朝鲜对抗苏联的兵力为92万,在中国战场(当时伪满地区不包括在这一战场)兵力为110万。若说中国是当年对日战争的“主战场”,公正地讲应在后面加上“之一”。

如果查一下日本在战争中的损失,大多数也是美军造成。

战时日本假报过数字,战后其靖国神社却能查到每个战死者的灵牌,加上政府要按实数发抚恤金,其厚生省统计185万军人战死(如加上此后拘押中的死亡则总数达213万)是准确的。具体看一下死者分布:日军在中国关内八年作战死亡为40万(宣布投降后又死亡了5万人)。日军在满洲死亡共9万,绝大多数系苏军造成。在缅甸死亡16万,除少数为中国远征军击毙外,多数系英军造成。其余120万“战殁者”,都死于同美军交战的太平洋战场,其中在菲律宾便死了49万。

美军在太平洋岛屿战中能大量击毙日军,并成建制全歼日本不少军、师团单位(这样其伤病员也大多会死亡),是因为美军拥有占绝对优势的火力和技术装备。中国军队对日军一般只能零打碎敲,没有全歼过一个师团、一个旅团,连歼灭联队(团)级单位也仅在腾冲这样的个别地区出现过。保全了建制的日军,便能将大量伤病员后送治疗,各部队经补充也能恢复战力。至于海战方面,当年中国海军未打过一次海战便自沉,空军力量也弱,战争中没有击沉过一艘日本大中型战舰。日本海军的几十艘战列舰、航空母舰和巡洋舰绝大多数都沉入海底,又基本上是由美军造成。

过去一些宣传说苏联军队“歼灭了日本关东军”,从史实看也不大准确。苏军确实长期牵制了日本关东军主力,最后宣战又对日本形成了比原子弹爆炸更大的震慑,使日本御前会议于苏联参战次日作出在保留天皇制的条件下投降的决定。若从战场实际看,苏军对日作战仅八天,关东军在主力尚存的情况下即奉命停止抵抗,随后苏军即转入“受降”而不是“歼灭”作战。苏联对日作战出力虽不算多,却在处置日本时比中国有更大发言权,这恰恰是其国力军力远强于中国的体现。

日本除了在海外战场遭受重大损失,本土也遭受了猛烈轰炸,包括落下两颗原子弹,这些全系美军造成。中国在抗战时没有攻击日本本土的能力,苏军出兵只攻击了满洲、朝鲜和日本北方岛屿(按苏联讲法这些岛原来曾属俄罗斯)。日本宣布投降时,只有拥有强大海军的美军能够开入日本境内并单独实施占领。了解这些历史事实,就会明白美国在打败日本时展示了最强的力量,战后在处置日本时也就掌握了主导权。

3 正视国家病弱才能客观看待历史,振奋民族精神要靠科学理念

国家的现代化,很大程度上又是理性化。一个民族要振奋人心、凝聚内部,自然需要突出英雄主义和宣传自己的战绩,不过对自身的历史病弱和败绩也不应回避,如同古人所说的那样——“知耻近乎勇”。历史从来是多棱镜,国人对抗战史要从多个角度看,才能知道中国民族解放斗争的艰难;同时了解民族的传统病弱,如此方能以更为理性的教育鞭策后人为强国梦而努力。

客观地回顾抗战,首先要看到当时的中国是四分五裂且非常落后的农业国,面对工业强国日本的大举入侵,能够坚持八年全面抗战,最后与国际反法西斯同盟一起将日本打败,众多志士仁人的英勇奋斗确实值得后人大力颂扬。如今国人歌颂抗战英雄,主要应弘扬他们顽强持久奋战的精神,夸大战绩则属画蛇添足。

讲抗战史又不能避开当时中国的病弱,这不仅体现为经济和科技水平落后,也表现为当政的国民政府的腐朽。如南京保卫战时11万守军面对同等数目的日军进攻,仅5天便全军崩溃且官兵乱跑,结果多数人当了俘虏惨遭屠杀。国人应谴责日军在南京屠城的暴行,同时不能回避守军保国卫民的无能。再如抗战期间以国民党副总裁为首的大批军政官员投日组织伪政权,政府军有60万人降敌变成伪军,这种民族耻辱是不应讳言的事实。

抗战结束前夕,日本在太平洋战场大势已去,在中国战场的强势地位却并未改变,1944年春至1945年初“打通大陆交通线”攻势仍将国民党军打得败退千里。此时美国总统罗斯福认为中国战场可能崩溃,急于请求苏联参战,因而在雅尔塔会议上用中国领土权益同苏联做交易。战后不少日本人认为“只败给了美国”,对中国不肯服气,原因不言自明。

现代科学要注重定量分析,战史分析的科学性应体现为准确考证战绩和损失数,不能使用夸张或歪曲的资料。从数据分析可以看出,全面抗战开始前中国政府统治区年产钢不过4万吨,日本却达580万吨。当时中国处于四分五裂状态而对国民产值无法统计,1936年国民政府财政收入仅为可怜的11.9亿元法币(折合4亿美元),同年日本财政收入则超过100亿日元(折合30亿美元)。再看当时美国的实力,又远非中日两国可比。美国战时年最高钢产量超过8000万吨,年财政收入达1000多亿美元。战争中实力对比是决定因素,中国作为战胜国享受不到应有待遇,还受到其他盟友欺凌,其原因只有用定量分析才能解释。

若不进行定量分析而只搞定性宣传,对抗战的战果加以夸张,就会顾此失彼、自相矛盾。例如许多国人就不理解:为什么战败的日本对中国不服气且长期否定侵略罪责呢?中国为什么无法得到日本的赔款最终只好放弃呢?了解美国的实力及其单独控制日本的实际,人们才会明白,1948年美国宣布日本可免除赔款义务后,苏联、英国和中国国民党当局看到索赔无望只好放弃,1972年中国政府在对日邦交时也不能不承认这一难以改变的事实。

作为战胜国的中国在处置日本时没有多少发言权,也就难以索回一些丧失的领土权益。例如原属台湾的钓鱼岛在1895年马关条约后落入日本之手,抗战胜利后由美军控制而未归还中国。1970年美国在向日本“归还冲绳”时,又将此岛交给日本管理。1972年中日恢复邦交时,毛泽东、周恩来决定对钓鱼岛问题予以搁置,邓小平和后来的中国领导人也沿袭这一决策。2012年日本政府在钓鱼岛问题发难激化矛盾时,许多国人尤其是年轻人不知道中国当年虽有战胜国之名,却未收回那片岛屿的事实,误以为是现在“受欺负”。

过去几十年宣传教育的事实证明,只有正面教育或片面的解说,会导致受教育者在思想上非常脆弱且经不起风浪,一旦遇到现实与正面宣传不相符,便会出现大批偏激的充满狭隘民族主义情绪的“愤青”。同样,如果不搞正面宣传,否定当年的奋斗史且一味贬低先辈,又会导致媚外和民族虚无主义。看一下如今社会的思想状况,恰恰是这两种倾向都在滋长,这又能从另一个角度看出全面、科学地宣传历史的重要性。

4 当年未能让日本对战争悔罪,如今只能以自强处理中日关系

国家间的关系,最终以实力和利益来决定。1945年以前的半个世纪间,日本不断侵略和欺负中国,战败后又长期不承认侵略罪行,关键因素是中国实力不济,实力最强的美国又在战后多方庇护日本。

许多国人多年来总是愤慨于日本政要大都否认侵略罪行且参拜靖国神社,不理解为何德国能深入反省历史日本却不能。要明白其中的原因,不能不客观地回顾历史。对传统说法“日本无条件投降”的宣传再做深究,就能看到当年天皇接受波茨坦公告其实是有条件的,那就是“保留国体”。美国从减少自身伤亡和战后牵制苏联的战略需求出发,对此表示同意,导致头号战犯天皇裕仁及其重臣继续在位,甲级战犯岸信介(即现在的首相安倍晋三的外祖父)战后还长期任首相。直至现在,日本政要中很大一部分都是这些战犯的后人,他们怎么可能清算当年的侵略罪行?

对比1945年德国和日本战败的情况,可看出其根本区别在于纳粹政权已被盟军彻底消灭,战后的东德、西德政权都是盟国扶起的原反法西斯人士执政。日本战败后,元首和政府却都保留下来,战后只是听命于美国,对内政进行了一些“民主改革”。蒋介石在大陆失败后,美国又把建立美日军事同盟视为亚洲政策的基石,为此实行在政治上、经济上扶助日本的政策。1951年美国主持的旧金山和会,便把中国排除在外,这个会议通过的对日和约只谈让日本放弃南海岛屿、台湾,而不谈将其归还中国,这就种下了“台独”和南海争端的种子。

由于有美国大力帮助,1950年日本的经济产值便超过100亿美元而恢复战前最高水平,1970年更超过2000亿美元。因此,日本当局和相当多国民对打败自己又加以扶植的美国又敬畏、又感激,对华态度则始终追随美国。由于美日军事同盟对新中国构成最大战略威胁,毛泽东那一代领导人考虑对日政策,主要是争取日本人民,以削弱日美同盟关系。

战后美国单独占领日本,如何追究战争责任实际由美方最后决定。

战争刚结束时,重建的日本共产党和一些左翼派别曾在国内发起过清算天皇、财阀战争罪行的运动,却受占领军压制,而多数国民则依旧受神道教思想束缚,故这场运动只造成些声势而未收到多少实效。1946年至1948年东京审判的对象主要限于“光头军阀”,虽追究了东条英机等一些次要战犯(有人把东条英机说成“二战三元凶”是不了解日本战时历史),却放过了最主要的战犯,而且没有清算当年在侵略战争起支柱作用的财阀。战后日本政界仍由这些财阀起主要作用,这也决定了日本的政治走向必然持续右倾化。

自上世纪50年代起,日本出现了持续几十年的“经济起飞”,民众生活水平大幅提升,左翼运动在70年代后逐渐陷入低潮,右翼势力却依仗着经济底气重新滋长。看到这种难以改变的事实,苏联最先于1956年恢复对日邦交,不再提战争遗留问题(苏方在北方四岛已占了便宜也不愿再谈)。中国1972年对日复交时,也只能从现实出发。后来中国政府和民间虽经常提到日本侵华暴行,对一些日本人否定南京大屠杀加以驳斥,却也不可能改变日本政府和社会主流的历史观。

追溯二战结束时的历史可以看出,若想让日本社会清算并真正承认侵略罪行,必须在战后清算各级战犯并改变当权者。由于美国的包庇和日本社会的局限,这一历史机遇业已丧失。
现在经历过战争的一代人多已不在世,就普通日本民众而言,部分老年人还存留一点对华歉疚感,中青年则大都不愿再追究当年的战争责任。看一下上世纪70年代至90年代日本的民间测验,对中国有好感的人比例还较高。从上世纪90年代末至现在,日本民意测验显示对中国有好感的比例在降低,重要原因就在于年轻一代对华没有负疚感,且认为本国受中国打压。当然,日本出现这种社会思潮,根源又在于其当政者对中国崛起的不安,因而进一步追随美国并煽动反华情绪。

历史作为一面镜子,总是由今人来照。在明治维新和甲午战后,“日强中弱”的形势导致日本几十年持续侵华。当年中国取得抗战胜利,却因国力衰弱并未赢得战败者的尊重。战后日本在军事上虽无独立地位,却在经济上长期对华居于优势,结果中日邦交恢复后中国曾处于受援国地位。现在中国实力增强使得亚洲出现了中日“两强并立”,2010年中国经济总量超过日本,刺激了日本当权者要加强同美国的联盟。

由此看来,近年中日关系出现的紧张恰恰说明了中国已经崛起,并真正让日方有了些敬畏心理。对一向有着崇强凌弱传统的日本来说,中国越发展、越强大,才能真正获得它的尊重。我国国内对抗战史的回顾和宣传,也要努力做到全面客观,这才有助于国人以更科学、理性的方式认识中日关系。

 

 

 

 

都送出去,统统送出去。

“这十来年,这些红孩子们(指中共高层的子女)确实很不像样子,很不像话。
学生们(指1989年)当时的目标,很大程度上,就是他们,这个我们不要避讳。
我的子女在干什么,在座同志们的子女在做什么,
有几个当工人、当农民的?
有几个靠工资过日子的?
包括我在内,我们有个能不为子女打小算盘的?
……
中央这回下决心了,都送出去,统统送出去。
这个不会改了,已经定了,只有执行一条路。
不管你红几代,不管你爹妈是神是佛,都送出去。
你在国外花天酒地也好,酒池肉林也罢,
你不能回来,
更不能干预国内的政事。
这是原则
……
现在重点是省部级,
以后要往下走,
有实权的子女统统要走,
绝不能留在国内狐假虎威,
中央有决心,
同志们最好不要挑战底线
……”
——吕枫,原中共中央组织部经济干部局副局长,原中共中央组织部副部长,原中共中央组织部部长,1992年4月《关于中央决议案的补充讲话》
注:
1978年以后,随着文革期间被打压的党内老干部群体,相继平反,并回到领导岗位。在北京和全国各大城市,掀起来一股猛烈的“红二代、红三代”从商、从政潮,这在当时被成为“大院儿冲击”,又称“第三梯队提前上位”。
整个1980年代,大量的“大院红色子女”充斥各个领域的资本积累前沿,制造了相当严重的负面舆论,成为历次运动中,学生、知识分子抨击的对象,并受到社会各阶层的普遍反感。
有鉴于此,1990年以后,中央经过反复调研,出台了”建议中高层领导干部子女出国留学“的内部决议,即“在尚未健全规范领导干部子女参政、从商条例,尚无法形成有效监管的情况下,尽量鼓励中高层干部子女出国留学、生活,以此避免其干预国内政治生活”。
从此后,中高层干部子女出国生活成为常态,并在一定程度上,避免了这个阶层对国内政治运营的干预。
========================
呵呵厚….领导孩子待遇真好,父母贪国内的钱,孩子在资本主义社会享乐。文章不一定真实,没准是后人杜撰的,当个笑话看。

时代杂志2008最佳发明:个人DNA测试居首

北京时间10月31日消息,美国《时代》杂志最近评出了2008年“50项最重要的发明”,“个人DNA测试服务”位居榜首当选本年度最佳发明,此外欧洲大型强子对撞机、鲨鱼皮泳衣、仿生手等一同入选。
 
了解和分享你的遗传秘密是颇具争议的基因测试服务23andMe的核心内容。你只要花上399美元,即可进行DNA唾液测试,对你90多项特征和身体状况进行评估,如秃顶和失明。尽管23andMe并非世界上唯一一家向公众推出DNA测试服务的公司,但在使这项服务可获取和可承受方面,它绝对是做得最好的。

  23andMe联合创始人安妮•沃西基(Anne Wojcicki)表示,23andMe可以为客户识别和解读60万个遗传标记,这些遗传标记“其实是你的数码表现形式。这是你从镜子中绝对看不到的有关自己性情的信息。”沃西基大学主修生物学,之前曾投资过卫生保健项目。

  我们正处在个人基因组学(personal-genomics)革命的初始阶段,这场革命不仅会转变我们照顾自己的方式,还将改变我们个人信息的表现形式。过去,只有精英阶层的研究人员才有机会得到他们的遗传指纹,但现在这些曾经看似遥不可及的信息对每个人来说都触手可及:登陆23andMe网站在线订购其服务,将唾液样本寄送至指定地点即可。

  但是,23andMe如何利用这种信息?有关这个问题的详细情况目前尚不清楚——23andMe已引发了从测试结果有何意义到如何避免基因歧视等一系列问题的大讨论——虽然大幕已经拉了回去,但永远甭想再紧闭。于是,对于先驱性“零售”基因组学来说,23andMe的DNA测试服务便是《时代》杂志的“2008年度发明”。

  沃西基和公司另外一位联合创始人琳达•埃维(Linda Avey)不仅将自己看作是商人,还是社会创业者。只要客户赞同,她们计划将他们每一个人的遗传指纹汇集到一个大型数据库中,从这个数据库中,我们可以查找到有关哪种基因突变使我们更易患上某些疾病,我们更有可能对哪些药物起反应的线索。

  沃西基说:“你其实是在捐献你的基因信息。如果拥有更多这方面的信息,我们就会拥有伟大的发现。我们所有人都携带这种信息,假如我们将信息搜集起来然后对民众公开,我们确实有可能改变当前卫生保健状况。”

 

个人DNA测试服务